Why do the Indigenes of the Niger Delta/South-South Behave like Colonial Subjects of Nigeria?
Priye S. Torulagha
Introduction
Politics is defined currently as “who gets what, when, and how” (Dye). David Easton defines it as the “authoritative allocation of values” (Hanumanthappa ,2023. This definition implies that only those who consciously fight for their political, economic, legal, and human rights through political and legal means will determine who “gets what, when and how” of political power and public resources. On the other hand, those who sit on the sidelines and expect to “get what, when, and how” will end up with little or nothing because politics is a struggle for power over rulership and the sharing of resources. Both political power and resources are scarce commodities, therefore, only those who fight stridently will prevail in ruling and enjoying a greater portion of the national resources and those who do little, or nothing will get very little.
This is why in every country in the world, the rich always get more and the poor always get the least from the state because rich people are very active trying to dominate the state and capture most of the available resources. On the other hand, the poor always get the least even though they need the most. The reason is that they complain a lot but always fail to mobilize themselves in a manner that is sufficient to influence government policy. This seems to be the case globally. This is why some political thinkers and analysts infer that there is no such a thing as democracy since the elites dominate the political system in every country in the world.
An ethnic group in Nigeria which takes the definition of politics very seriously is the Fulani nationality. As a result, despite their smaller numbers, the Fulanis have been able to dominate Nigerian politics to the extent of serving as the primary power-wielding group in the country. This is why all the would-be-presidential candidates in Nigeria always pay visit to the Sultan of Sokoto and other high-powered Fulani political and religious elites to receive their blessings. On the other hand, the indigenes of the Niger Delta/South-South seem to have the slightest appreciation for the weightiness of the “who gets what, when, and how” definition of politics. As a result, instead of being proactive in pursuing their political, economic, legal, and human rights, they wait patiently for the those who wield political power in Nigeria to come and knock at their doors and give them a fair share of the wealth generated from resources in their region. The sad part is that the inhabitants of the oil region do not even realize that they have enormous political and economic power in Nigeria due to the strategic importance of oil and gas in Nigeria and globally. Indeed, no region in Nigeria commands so much power as the Niger Delta/South-South but the Niger Deltans do not know how exercise to use their resources to their advantage.
The lesson here is that the indigenes of the Niger Delta/South-South cannot and must not sit idly by and expect those who wield power in Nigeria to do the right thing and treat them fairly in the management of oil and gas and the sharing of the wealth generated. The reason is that politics, as defined above, calls for active involvement in demanding your rights.
Purpose of the Article
The purpose of this article is to identify the factors and circumstances which tend to portray the indigenes of the Niger Delta/South-South as colonial subjects of Nigeria. To accomplish the task, the following arguments are made: (1) the indigenes of the Niger Delta/South-South have failed to pay attention to the fact that politics is a struggle for power and control of resources; (2) due to lack of appreciation of the importance of politics, they allow themselves to be treated like colonial subjects of Nigeria, thereby, justifying their being exploited by those who wield national political power; (3) they do not realize and appreciate the fact that they have tremendous political and economic clout due to the availability of oil and gas in their territory and (4) due to lack of appreciation for the tremendous power they possess, they inadvertently accept to be treated as colonial subjects by allowing Nigeria to apply a double standard in the management of mineral resources in the country to their disadvantage.
It is essential to define colonialism in order to understand why the indigenes of the Niger Delta/South-South act passively as if they are colonial subjects, thereby failing to proactively defend their political, legal, and economic rights in Nigeria. What is colonialism? The Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) defines colonialism “as the practice of controlling another country or area and exploiting its people and resources,” (2023, February 14). According to Aniete A. Inyang and Manasseh Bassey, colonialism is:
A system of rule which assumes the right of one people to impose their will upon another leading inevitably to a situation of dominance and dependency which will systematically subordinate these governed by it to the imported culture in social, economic, and political life (2014, September, p. 1945).
Based on this definition, the Niger Delta/South-South is colonized, and the oil and gas resources are exploited by Nigeria for the betterment of other parts of the country to the disadvantage of the inhabitants of the region. Due to the exploitative relationship, they have internalized the treatment, hence, behave as if they are colonial subjects of Nigeria by failing to actively pursue and protect their interests through pushing for resource control since Nigeria has failed to nationalize solid minerals. Instead of using proactive political and legal tactics to put pressure and influence national policy in favor of resource control, they sit back and wait to be compensated based on the decision of those who wield national power and make public policy over oil and gas. They have not been able to compel the Federal Government to institute a proactive environmental pollution cleaning regime in the region after more than sixty years of oil exploration.
The Reaction of the Oil Region Towards the Double Standard in the Management and Regulation of Natural Minerals
This article is written after a critical examination of the way Nigerians from the oil region react in ways that baffle the mind concerning the double standard that exist in the Federal Government’s management, regulation, and enforcement of national laws dealing with mineral resources in the country. Consequently, the following is the systematic identification of the failures of the inhabitants of the Niger Delta/South-South to actively fight politically and legally for their political, legal, and economic rights over the control and management of mineral resources in the region.
First, the late Gen. David Ejoor first noticed a double standard being manifested by the Federal Government of Nigeria. He noted that while President Olusegun Obasanjo was in power as a civilian president, both the Niger Delta and a section of the Southwestern region, particularly the Ife and Modakeke people had disputes that led to violent confrontations over the ownership of land and the rights to own mineral resources. Gen. Ejoor noted that President Obasanjo did not hesitate to send the Nigerian military to the Niger Delta to ensure that oil operations were not disturbed following intertribal conflicts in the Warri area. On the other hand, even though the Ife and Modakeke conflict was over the illegal mining of gold and sharing of the wealth generated, President Obasanjo did not send the Nigerian military to stop the dispute and prevent the private mining of gold in the Ife area. Instead, he encouraged them to resolve the dispute amicably and share the wealth generated from gold mining, even though gold is a national resource like oil and gas (Osinaike and Oyegunle, 2005, July 6).
After raising the issue of double standard, nobody in the oil region took up the matter and used it to put both political and legal pressure on the Federal Government to either nationalize all minerals or denationalize oil and gas. The people in the region barely paid attention to the issue raised by Gen. Ejoor. It was as if they were all sleeping and did not want to be disturbed.
Second, the senators and representatives of the oil region in the National Assembly (NA) either speak very little or remain voiceless about the dichotomy over the national control, management and regulation of mineral resources in the country. These senators and representatives, perhaps, except for a few, like Sen. Seriake Dickson, might have tactically decided not to say anything about the fact that Nigeria has a double standard which affects their constituents negatively. It seems that the regional legislators have accepted the view that the oil region is worth being sacrificed to sustain the country. Otherwise, they would have spoken loudly to show their displeasure regarding the way their region is being unduly exploited. Perhaps, since their number in the national legislature is small and insufficient to create much political impact compared to the number of legislators from the non-oil-producing regions who always join forces against them, they strategically decided to go slow in pursuing the oil region’s agenda to avoid putting their political careers in jeopardy.
Third, the national commissioners/ministers of the oil region have not been able to influence national policy on oil and gas in any remarkable manner. These personalities have known for decades that the oil and gas region is treated differently from regions with solid mineral deposits. Yet, they did not and have not worked frantically to change national policy which penalizes the indigenes of the oil region while rewarding the indigenes of the regions where gold, tin, coal, columbite, lithium, coal, manganese, and other solid minerals are found. Even in former President Muhammadu Buhari’s Administration, there were highly placed government officials from the oil region who served as ministers, directors and political advisers, yet they seemed uninterested in persuading the Federal Government to change policy and equalize the playing field for exploration of minerals in the country.
Fourth, the governors of the oil-producing region seemed unbothered by the fact that while governors in solid mineral-producing states can invite private mining companies to come to their states and carry out mining activities, they cannot do so in the oil region. In other words, the governors of the states with solid minerals can create wealth and employment for their citizens through mining of minerals to boost their economies while the governors of the oil region cannot do so. It is puzzling why the governors in the oil region have not filed a class action suit to force the Federal Government to apply the same standard across the board in the management and regulation of liquid and solid minerals in the country.
In fact, when former Governor Nasir El-Rufai of Kaduna State stated that his state has more gold than South Africa and he was going to invite mining companies to explore gold (Tijani, 2016, April 6), a governor in the oil-producing region would have tested the constitutionality of the draconian military-era decrees that nationalize oil and gas ownership by announcing that he too would invite an oil company to explore oil and gas in his own state to test federal response. Unfortunately, none of the governors paid attention to the implication that a governor in the same country can invite foreign mining companies into his state to engage in mineral exploration and a governor in an oil-producing state cannot do so. The lack of response to Governor El-Rufai’s announcement to hire private mining companies means that the governors of the oil-producing states have accepted the status quo, which is that the Federl Government has a right to totally nationalize oil and gas, hence, decided not to challenge the constitutional authority of the national government.
Perhaps, the governors of the oil-producing states are not eager to challenge the total nationalization of oil and gas and the failure to nationalize solid minerals due to the nature of politics in the country. It should be noted that in Nigeria, to become a governor requires an intense bargaining with the leadership of the political parties and other important political stakeholders in the country. Thus, having gone through such a grueling process, the region’s governors probably feel exhausted and strategically decide not to add to their political burden by challenging national authority over the management and regulation of liquid minerals. Basically, they decided to let a sleeping dog lie without arousing it to create political obstacles or for them as they govern their respective states. Some Nigerians infer that the governors are not willing to stir the hornet’s net because some of them probably have financial skeletons in their cupboards.
Fifth, a baffling thing about the lack of proactive response from the oil region is the almost absent-mindedness of the civil society organizations in the region to the double standard that exists between the way the Federal Government totally nationalizes the oil region and the total lack of national enforcement in the management of solid mineral resources in the country. It seems that the region’s civil society organizations are not bothered by the fact that the citizens of the region are not having a fair deal in the country
Additionally, the oil region’s civil society organizations are not very helpful in articulating the political and legal rights of the oil region. Why? Because they tend to fight and oppose each other. Hence, for every regional civil society organization that speaks for the rights of the indigenes of the region, there is another regional civil society organization that speaks for the interest of the national government. As a result, if one regional civil society organization calls for a protest, another regional civil society organization is most likely to condemn the proposed protest. When that happens, the Federal Government always supports the group that opposes protest, thereby putting the other civil society group in a bad light. The lack of consensus among the region’s civil society organizations weakens the overall effect of their campaign to enhance the economic and political rights of the region. Due to the rivalry and divisiveness, it is very easy for the national government to sponsor civil society organizations that oppose those organizations that want change. This divide and conquer tactics have been very effective, hence, the Federal Government pays little or no attention to the concerns of the oil region. The indigenes of the oil region have not been able to develop an effective strategy to counter or neutralize the divide and conquer tactics deployed by the national government against them.
Sixth, it is inferable that the citizens of the oil region are overwhelmed and tactically defeated to the point where they have given up any hope that Nigeria will reconsider its double standard and allow them to engage in private exploration or gain at least 50% share of the revenue accruing from oil and gas exploration. It is assumable that after decades of protesting and decrying their unfair treatment without positive response from the Federal Government, many of them have given up and simply decide to exist, knowing full well that there is not much they can do to change the minds of Nigerian rulers. Moreover, many citizens in the oil region feel that their political leaders are not doing enough to put political pressure on the national government to pay attention to their unfortunate plight.
Seventh, the different national regulatory standards for solid and liquid minerals have existed since the enactment of the Petroleum Act, yet the sons and daughters of the oil region who have served as leaders of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) and other oil-related agencies kept quiet and allowed their people to be exploited.
Eighth, the surprising fact about the anomalous situation is that a son of the oil region, Dr. Goodluck Jonathan, actually served as the head of state of Nigeria for six years without crafting a bill to equalize the standard for regulating liquid and solid minerals or remove the ignominious acts that turn the citizens of the oil region into colonial subjects of Nigeria.
Ninth, the most painful thing is that the leaders of the oil-producing region know that there is a different standard for liquid minerals and another one for solid minerals yet fail to do something about it. They did not protest and take legal action to stop the undue nationalization of liquid minerals. They know that oil blocks are given to individuals who are mostly from the non-oil-producing regions yet did not scream loudly to stop the practice. In other words, the leaders of the oil region stood by while the Federal Government gave oil rights to a selected few to amass tremendous private wealth from public resources.
Instead of totally nationalizing solid minerals, the Federal Government registered about 600 private mining cooperatives. This means that private cooperatives operated by Nigerians and foreigners, especially the Chinese, can earn income officially from solid minerals (Onehi, 2020, February 19). It should also be noted that 50 mining leases and 952 exploration licenses were awarded to foreign and local mining companies and individuals in 2007. During the same time, the government encouraged private investment in solid minerals exploration by relaxing some of the regulatory rules (Reuters. 2007, August 9). In 2024, 10,000 people applied for mining licenses, but the Federal Government awarded 4,000 (Aina, 2024, May 24). On the other hand, there is no relaxation of the regulatory rules in the liquid mineral sector.
Tenth, the Niger Delta/South-Southand South-East regions were not consulted when Nigeria negotiated with Algeria to build the Trans-Saharan Gas Pipeline. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration finalized the agreement with Algeria to build a $13bn gas pipeline in February 2025. Emmanuel Chilamphuma reported:
The Nigerian government has reached agreements with Algeria and Niger to advance the Trans-Saharan Gas Pipeline (TSGP) initiative, a key project aimed at boosting gas exports to Europe.
Representatives from the three nations concluded crucial agreements during a conference in Algiers, Algeria. These agreements, involving energy companies fromNigeria, Algeria, and Niger, cover essential aspects of the project, including:
Updated feasibility study to assess financial and technical viability.
Compensation framework ensuring equitable benefits for all stakeholders.
Non-disclosure agreement (NDA) to protect commercial interests (2025, February 17).
It is predictable that a few highly connected individuals from the non-oil-producing regions would be the primary beneficiaries of the $13bn deal, as it is always the case in Nigeria, as far as the oil region is treated as a colony of Nigeria. It is necessary for the leaders of the oil and gas region to insist that no gas should be taken from their territory without their inclusion in the negotiations.
Again, the Niger Delta/South-South and South-East were totally absent when former President Muhammadu Buhari negotiated with European nations and Morocco to develop a gas pipeline from the oil and gas region to Europe through Morocco. The deal has been reinforced by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Nadim Kawachi reported, “Morocco and Nigeria have agreed to create a joint venture to manage a long-planned $25 billion pipeline which will ship gas to Europe, a Moroccan minister has said (2025, April 24). Imagine, a $25bn gas pipeline contract in which the indigenes of the Niger Delta/South-South and South East are not consulted or included in the package. This means that some highly placed Nigerians from the non-oil-producing regions will benefit greatly from the deal, and the indigenes of the Niger Delta/South-South will end up with little or nothing just like the way they are treated in the distribution of the oil wealth. The signing of this deal without effective consultation or involvement of the stakeholders in the oil region means that Nigerian officials have little or no regard for the indigenes. Thus, the leaders of the oil and gas region should petition the Federal Government and declare emphatically that no gas should be taken from their region without their inclusion in the negotiations. If possible, send a petition to the Federal Government and copy the Moroccan government and the European Union. Then take legal action to address the demand.
Eleventh, Nigeria’s ruling elites and high-government officials who negotiated to explore and exploit the Niger Delt/South-South cannot be solely blamed because the political and legal leaders of the oil and gas region seem to be apathetic and wait for someone from Abuja to come and knock at their doors, instead of marshalling their political and legal forces to change the colonial relationship between the Federal Government and the oil-producing region.
Twelfth, although it is officially stipulated that all minerals are in the Exclusive List, meaning that the Federal Government has total control and regulation of all minerals, in practice, this is not the case. Most of the oil and gas industry has been privatized. Hence, it is individuals who own oil blocks. The Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation Limited (NNPCL) has been tactically privatized and controlled by a powerful cartel which benefits most from the oil wealth. There is also a plan on the ground to allegedly “sell oil equity to President Tinubu’s nephew Walle Tinubu’s Oando ally Chagoury’s firm” (Sahara Reporters, 2025, September 14). If the alleged plan materializes, the Tinubu family will become the most powerful oil baron in Nigeria. Despite the revelation, the stakeholders in the Niger Delta/South-South have not spoken forcefully to condemn such effort to privatize the oil industry in Nigeria. Thankfully, the Committee of Patriotic Forces (CPPF) made up of patriotic Nigerians vigorously opposed the idea (Sahara Reporters. 2025, September 10). Where are the leaders of the Niger Delta/South-South on this issue? By now, they would have mobilized to demand resource control before the high and mighty totally take over their resources.
Thirteenth, already, due to the total disregard for the feelings of the indigenes of the Niger Delta/South-South and Nigerians in general, crude oil is now being used by the Federal Government as a collateral to borrow loans. Kevin Emmanue, an energy analyst, remarked:
At a time when the Nigerian government should be laying out a detailed plan to conduct house cleaning for NNPC Ltd or books, start book building for an IPO, the Nigerian government is amortising precious future crude oil earnings in a deal structure that robs the federating units of millions of barrels of crude oil in oil for swap transaction that sums up the point Jeffrey Frankel made in his working paper about the ‘Resource Curse Theory’ at Harvard University (Oladehinde, 2024, July 10).
Already, about three or four international loans have been borrowed in what is known as oil-for-cash-deals. These loans are being taken without consulting the indigenes of the oil region to let them know that their resources could become the properties of foreign countries if Nigeria fails to pay the loans. While the Niger Delta/South-South is being burdened with unnecessary loans, solid minerals are not being used as collateral. Here again, Nigeria treats the oil region as a colony that can easily be exploited. Meanwhile, most major infrastructural development projects are carried out in the non-oil-producing regions. So why are the indigenes of the Niger Delta/South-South still sleeping, instead of waking up and fighting politically and legally for their natural rights.
Fourteenth, instead of working together as a team to put pressure on the Nigerian government to achieve resource control or at least get a 50/50 share of the revenue accruing from oil and gas exploration, the ethnic groups in the region tend to compete against each other and negotiate clandestinely with the national government to have advantage over other ethnic groups in the region. Some ethnic groups are always eager to create the impression that they are more civilized and peaceful than others in the hope of attracting the attention of the Federal Government and gaining advantage over other ethnic groups. The youth groups sometimes compete unnecessarily over the right to gain surveillance contracts, to the point of almost engaging in physical confrontation. The civil society organizations in the region often take contradictory positions, thereby neutralizing the political effect of their demands. Most of the politicians do not want to offend those who wield national power in the country because of their desire to run for elective offices or retain their elective offices. Only the Ogoni nation proactively pursued its goals and gained in the process. As a result, the Ogonis were able to work with the United Nations Environmental Programs (UNEP) to recommend the cleaning of oil pollution in their territory. It is also the Ogonis who succeeded in using the legal process to ban the exploration of oil in their territory for twenty years. During the heydays of the oil struggle, they were also able to gain political asylum status for their members in the US and other countries.
Fifteenth, due to the passivity of the indigenes of the oil region, the oil wealth is treated as a free for all manna from heaven. Hence, a substantial proportion of the oil wealth is embezzled by high level public officials. Thus, it is arguable that a sizable number of Nigeria’s millionaires and billionaires acquired their wealth through the embezzlement of public funds generated through oil and gas exploration. As far as the indigenes of the oil region fail to take appropriate political and legal action to gain control of the oil wealth, massive embezzlement of the oil wealth will continue. As a result of massive embezzlement of the oil wealth, the masses are not benefitting from the oil wealth.
Sixteenth, to avoid forfeiting total control of the oil and gas resources, the political and traditional leaders of the Niger Delta/South-South should come together and emphatically make it clear to Nigerian authorities that no oil or gas facility in the oil region should be sold without first consulting and negotiating with the host communities and the region’s leaders. This is important because when Nigerian authorities permit major oil companies like Shell, Eni, Exxon/Mobil and Tota/Energies to sell their oil and gas facilities to domestic private companies without compelling them to clean the massive pollution they generated, it means that Nigeria’s political rulers do not care about the oil and gas region since they view it as a colony, rather than as part of Nigeria.
Due to the passivity of the leaders of the oil region and the willingness of Nigerian authorities to sacrifice the oil region, it is the United Nations that has spoken loudly to warn of the danger of allowing the major oil companies to sell their facilities without first cleaning the mess they created in the Niger Delta/South-South. Indeed, a UN panel wrote a letter to “Shell, ENI, Exxon/Mobil and Total Energies, warning the companies that they cannot sell off their assets and dodge their responsibilities to local communities” (RFI. 2025, September 9).
Conclusion
Indeed, the indigenes of the Niger Delta/South-South behave as if they are colonial subjects of Nigeria, hence, allow the country to openly exploit them for decades. As a result, wealth generated from the oil region is used mostly in developing and modernizing the infrastructure in other parts of the country while the region that lays the golden egg is often neglected by Nigeria’s ruling elites. Due to their passivity and an unwillingness to proactively demand their rights, Nigerian ruling elite and some highly connected individuals from the non-oil-producing regions now behave as the owners of the oil and gas resources while the indigenes of the oil region behave like beggars and are happy with having just 13% percent share of the revenue generated. Meanwhile, solid minerals are treated like private resources in which anyone can mine with little or no consequence.
There is no doubt that Nigeria treats the oil region as a colony and the citizens of the region as colonial subjects. Under the pretext of nationalization, highly connected individuals are incrementally privatizing the wealth generated through tactical purchasing of oil facilities and the NNPCL, yet the indigenes of the oil region do little or nothing to reclaim their rights to the resources. Again, Nigeria treats the Niger Delta/South-South as a colony, hence, refused to regulate the behavior of the multinational oil companies by allowing them to flare gas and pollute the region. Likewise, Nigeria treats the oil region as a financial plantation, hence allows the oil companies to sell their assets without compelling them to clean the pollution generated through gas flaring and oil exploration. Despite the failure to clean Ogoniland, the Federal Government wants oil exploration to resume, against the interest of Ogoni people. Nigeria’s recklessness and the indigenes powerlessness has compelled the United Nations to intervene by warning about the danger of allowing the major oil companies to sell off their assets without cleaning the oil region.
The inhabitants of the oil region must express their appreciation to the United Nations for speaking on their behalf. It is very sad that Nigerian authorities are only interested in the quantities of oil and gas being produced daily to boost their financial wherewithal and care very little about the massive pollution that has devastated the oil region. The Indigenes of the oil region must stop behaving like colonial subjects of Nigeria and demand their natural, political, economic and legal rights to own the resources in their region. Over sixty years of nationalization and exploitation should come to an end immediately because Nigeria has repeatedly demonstrated that it is irresponsible and incapable of managing the resources of the region to the benefit of all Nigerians.
References
African Manager. (2012, May 9). Nigeria licenses 7 firms to mine gold. https://en.africanmanager.com/nigeria-licences-7-firms-to-mine-gold/.
Aina, D. (2024, May 24). FG grants 4,000 investors mining licenses. Punch. https://punchng.com/fg-grants-4000-investors-mining-licences/#google_vignette.
Chilamphuma, E. (2025, February 17). Inside the US13bn Trans-Saharan gas pipeline. Further Africa. https://furtherafrica.com/2025/02/17/inside-the-us13b-trans-saharan-gas-pipeline/.
Council on Foreign Relations (2023, February 14). What is colonialism and how did it arise? https://education.cfr.org/learn/reading/what-colonialism-and-how-did-it-arise#:~:text=Colonialism%20is%20the%20practice%20of,vast%20majority%20of%20the%20world.
RFI. (2025, September 9). Oil giants accused of dodging Niger Delta clean-up as UN panel intervenes. https://www.rfi.fr/en/africa/20250905-oil-giants-accused-of-dodging-niger-delta-clean-up-as-un-panel-intervenes
Hanumanthappa, D.G. (2023). An overview of David Easton and the political system. International Journal of Political Science. Volume 9, Issue 1, pp 14 -16. https://doi.org/10.20431/2454-9452.0901002.
Inyang, A. A. and Bassey, M. (2014, September). Imperial Treaties and the origins of British colonial rule in Southern Nigeria, 1860 – 1890. Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences Volume 5(20).
Kawachi, N. (2025, April 24). Morocco and Nigeria agree terms for $2bn gas pipeline. Arabian Gulf Business Insights. https://www.agbi.com/oil-and-gas/2025/04/morocco-and-nigeria-firm-to-manage-gas-pipeline/.
Oladehinde, D. (2024, July 10). Rising appetite for cash loans traps Nigeria’s next generation. Business Day. https://businessday.ng/news/article/rising-appetite-for-oil-for-cash-loans-traps-nigerias-next-generation/.
Onehi, V. (2020, February 19). Federal Government harps on small miners formalization, registers 600 cooperatives. Daily Trust. https://dailytrust.com/fg-harps-on-small-miners-formalisation-registers-600-cooperatives/
Osinaike, G. & Oyegunle, J. [July 6, 2005] Maj. Gen. David Ejoor’s eye-opening statements. Vanguard. Posted on Ijawnation@yahoogroups.com. 7/6/2005.
Reuters. (2007, August 9). Nigeria awards 1000 licenses to investors. https://www.reuters.com/article/legal/government/nigeria-awards-1000-mining-licences-to-investors-idUSL13261013/.
Sahara Reporters. (2025, September 10). Group rejects plan to sell Nigeria’s oil equity to Tinubu’s nephew wale Tinubu’s Oando, Ally Chagoury’s firm. https://saharareporters.com/2025/09/10/group-rejects-plan-sell-nigerias-oil-equity-president-tinubus-nephew-wale-tinubus-oando.
Tijani, M. (2016, April 6). El-Rufai: Kaduna has more gold than S’Africa. The Cable. https://www.thecable.ng/el-rufai-one-kaduna-lga-has-more-gold-than-safrica/.
torulaghareportsdotcom 